Sve objave od ADMIN JAŠARAGIĆ

Heidegger’s Equivocal Attitude to University

Original scientific paper
https://doi.org/10.20901/pm.55.3.06

Dunja Melčić ; doktorirala je filozofiju na Univerzitetu Johann W. Goethe u Frankfurtu. Bila je znanstvena suradnica na Max-Planck Institut für europäische Rechtsgeschichte

Fulltext: croatian, pdf (405 KB) pages 146-177 cite

Abstracts
It is fair to say that university as idea was Heidegger’s lifelong obsession. Young Heidegger believed that the power of education would become a generator of change. At the beginning this still was thought in the realm of Christianity and orthodox Catholicism of his heritage. It meant modern scientific scrutiny in the search for truth that was supposed to be real Christian truth. The most modern method of philosophy at the time was (Husserl’s) phenomenology, which Heidegger was using for critical examination of the tradition in European philosophical, metaphysical thought. After the catastrophe of the Great War Heidegger, who was already teaching at the university, saw an urgent necessity of a radical turn from the traditional university to a completely new beginning starting with reflection on the first awakening of the quest about the being as such in ancient Greece. While this is no more than fantastic fancy, the true change and potentially new beginning was what he was doing at the university: his formidable lecturing and teaching, his profound and nevertheless down-to-earth thinking, his prolific pragmatic philosophy, its modern approaches and horizons-opening methods. In his striving for complete change of university Heidegger was taking his concrete existence and doings for granted. He did not give them a thought, instead he started to believe that nationalistic and antisemitic demolishing of the ‘old world order’ and fossilized institutions should just be the proper moment for the revolution of university and academic education to start. Until Heidegger had taken his rectoral post at the University of Freiburg (1933) and delivered his famous inaugural speech, nobody knew about his concept of ‘completely new university’, but he nevertheless believed that it should fit to the party schemes of ‘national- socialist university’. The fundamental notion in this concept of university revolution is the “Will” (der Wille), though assumed will. After the debacle of this shameful episode Heidegger still kept fantasizing about the other university, though skipping silently the ‘category’ of will; at the same time he was castigating himself for that political engagement – as is now known from the notorious “black notice-book” (2015). But no sincere analysis of the matter can be found in these private notices, rather all of these self-reflections end up in self-pitying à la: not that his concept was wrong, but the time was not right. Being a part of the criminal, murderous regime did not even emerge to his mind as a problem. That’s the true reason for the notorious silence in the public about his guilt or at least responsibility during the Nazi regime. In the focus of this article is also Heidegger’s twofold nature, not to say duplicity, which it sometimes was, too. This has many facets, but just comparing the language in texts of his Nazi-speeches and private notes on the one hand and his philosophical lectures and writings on the other, it becomes obvious that the two sides of Heidegger are deeply and totally irreconcilable. On their own they would be utter opposites; being parts of one person they constitute a paradox called Martin Heidegger. After he was sanctioned with deprivation of the licence to teach, Heidegger suffered a real trauma; what he was so bitterly missing was his active life, teaching and lecturing at the real existing university, not the imagined one he kept yearning for. Such too is the chasm that can be observed between Heidegger’s critique of university’s liberal spirit on one hand and the essential gains he had in his life exactly from this liberal new age spirit and the university as the modern institution and the only (precarious) possibility of free thinking since the time of early Greek thinkers on the other.

Keywords
Heidegger; University; “New Beginning”; Nazism; Will

Hrčak ID: 206607

URI
https://hrcak.srce.hr/206607

Russian Politics of History and the October Revolution

Original scientific paper
https://doi.org/10.20901/pm.55.3.05

Tihomir Cipek ; Faculty of Political Science, University of Zagreb

Fulltext: croatian, pdf (331 KB) pages 129-145 cite

Abstracts
Using the example of their views on The October Revolution (1917), in this text the parties’ politics of history in contemporary Russia are being analysed. First, we examine the official politics of history of Vladimir Putin and his party – United Russia’s history. Then we move on to analysing the Sovietnostalgic position of the Russian Federation’s Communist Party, and finally the imperialist-conservative interpretation of Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn, the Russian Orthodox Church and the radical-right, such as the interpretation of the Liberal Democratic Party of Russia. The analysis has shown that with the collapse of the Soviet Union its constitutive myth has been also broken apart. The October Revolution no longer has the function of the essence of the official myth, but it is interpreted in terms of party politics. Putin’s United Russia’s policy of history is based on the idea of national reconciliation, where both the tsarist and Bolshevik histories are approached as the expression of Russian patriotism, under different circumstances. According to this interpretation, both Reds and Whites were patriots who were trying to build a strong Russian state. The Communist, e.g. Soviet-nostalgic interpretation emphasized that the victory of the USSR in the Second World War should be thanked to the political order established by the October Revolution. In the imperial conservative interpretation, the October Revolution is the greatest spiritual disaster in Russian history, which demolished the state and Orthodoxy as its religious basis. The public opinion surveys conducted in Russia show that the October Revolution has become a second-rate event, which is celebrated exclusively by the Communists. Putin’s policy of history has thus shaped the new founding myth of the Russian state, based not on the October Revolution but on Soviet (Russian) victory in the Second World War.

Keywords
Politics of History; October Revolution; Russia; Political Parties; Vladimir Putin

Hrčak ID: 206606

URI
https://hrcak.srce.hr/206606

The Populist Zeitgeist in “Pro-European” Serbia

Original scientific paper
https://doi.org/10.20901/pm.55.3.04

Zoran Stojiljković ; Faculty of Political Sciences, University of Belgrade
Dušan Spasojević ; Faculty of Political Sciences, University of Belgrade

Fulltext: serbian, pdf (410 KB) pages 104-128 cite

Abstracts
In this paper we analyze the influence of populist ideas on the emergence and organization of new political parties in Serbia after the elections in 2007 and 2008. These elections represent the turning point in the development of the party system because only after the pro-European consensus among Democrats and Socialists was formed, the division within Serbian Radical Party occurred and the ideological space occupied by the relevant parties has narrowed. On the other hand, high level of distrust in politics among the citizens and lowering of the state of democracy facilitate the emergence of new actors who are, almost by rule, under the influence of the growing wave of populism in the world. In this paper, we apply the ideational approach to populism and, using the new actors as example, we aim to identify ideological and organizational variations which can develop under the influence of populism, as well as differences which emerge from the interpretation of populism in Serbia compared to some other countries.

Keywords
Populism; Serbia; Ideologies; Political Parties; Serb Progressive Party

Hrčak ID: 206605

URI
https://hrcak.srce.hr/206605

Political Participation and Party Preferences Among War Veterans in Croatia

Original scientific paper
https://doi.org/10.20901/pm.55.3.03

Dragan Bagić ; Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, University of Zagreb
Kruno Kardov ; Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, University of Zagreb

Fulltext: croatian, pdf (373 KB) pages 82-103 cite

Abstracts
The paper examines distinctiveness of war veterans compared to general population in Croatia according to three important political phenomena: political participation, party preferences and ideological self-identification. Analysis of sociological survey conducted in 2015 shows that there is no difference in the level of political participation measured by voting turnout in 2011 and 2015 parliamentary and 2015 presidential level between Croatian war veterans and the rest of the public. On the other side, war veterans differ from the rest of the electorate, with other variables held constant, in terms of party preferences and ideological self-identification. Compared to non-veterans, war veterans are more inclined to vote for the right and center-right parties and position themselves to the right side of the political spectrum. The paper discusses these differences, as well as its roots and consequences.

Keywords
Elections; Political Participation; Political Behaviour; Party Preferences; Croatian War Veterans

Hrčak ID: 206603

URI
https://hrcak.srce.hr/206603

Inequality of Wages in Croatia from 2003 to 2016

Original scientific paper
https://doi.org/10.20901/pm.55.3.02

Ivo Bićanić ; Faculty of Economics and Business, University of Zagreb
Željko Ivanković ; Portal Ideje.hr
Matija Kroflin ; Independent Union of Research and Higher Education Employees of Croatia

Fulltext: croatian, pdf (1 MB) pages 43-81 cite

Abstracts
In the paper the authors address three research topics. First, the authors show that inequality of the distribution of gross and net wages in Croatia has increased during the period examined in this paper, thus showing that the First stylized fact about the increase of inequality recognized in the literature is present in Croatia. Second, they show the same is true for the Second stylized fact that concerns changes in the top end of the distribution. Third, that the changes in the Atkinson index and the relationships of the top and bottom tails of the distribution also conform to the stylized facts. The analysis in the paper is limited to changes in the inequality of the distribution of net (take home) and gross wages in Croatia after 2000. Inequality is measured by standard measures of economic inequality. The analysis of the paper contributes to the relatively poor understanding of levels and changes in economic inequality in Croatia generally and wage inequality specifically.

Keywords
Inequality; Wages and Salaries; Gini Coefficient; Atkinson Index; Income

Hrčak ID: 206601

URI
https://hrcak.srce.hr/206601

Still a Theoretical Fantasy: Josip Županov’s Egalitarian Syndrome

Original scientific paper
https://doi.org/10.20901/pm.55.3.01

Danijela Dolenec ; Faculty of Political Science, University of Zagreb
Daniela Širinić ; Faculty of Political Science, University of Zagreb

Fulltext: croatian, pdf (533 KB) pages 7-42 cite

Abstracts
In this article we analyse Štulhofer and Burić’s empirical hommage (2015, 2016) to Županov’s egalitarian syndrome theory (EST). We show that the authors neglect fundamental steps in research design, including the imperative of situating their argument within the existing research on the topic. Furthermore, the authors fail to fully acknowledge the implications of the multidimensionality of EST, both in their conceptualisation and in their choice of statistical analyses. We show why the data that they use are not appropriate for the analyses that they undertake. In contrast to that, in our comparative analysis of income inequality preferences across countries Croatian citizens turn out to be quite average. Citizens of Germany or Switzerland seem to be more strongly oriented towards income equality (“uravnilovka”) than citizens of Croatia. These findings clearly challenge interpretations according to which preferences for greater income equality are remnants of a socialist past, or those according to which such demands pose obstacles to societal development. Taking all this on board, we conclude that the egalitarian syndrome theory remains a theoretical fantasy.

Keywords
egalitarian syndrome theory; modernization theory; research design; income inequality; Croatia

Hrčak ID: 206598

URI
https://hrcak.srce.hr/206598