Žarko Paić ; Faculty of Textile generic cialis online usa Technology, University of Zagreb, Zagreb, Croatia Fulltext: pdf (146 KB), Croatian, Pages 20 – 47
Abstracts The article critically analyses the political thinking of the late Derrida. The basic assumption is that after the end of the idea of http://genericcialis-cheaprxstore.com/ sovereignty of the nationstate we should create a new thinking that will no longer be derrived from the metaphysical context within which the policy of the new technology can be useful. End of the subject in globalization politics requires deconstruction of all concepts of modern politics: state, cialis user reviews society, law, morality. Political thinking in contrast to political philosophy and theory of politics has no “foundation” in present reality. Derrida and many other distinctive thinkers of upcoming community try to operate with the idea that the political can be reduced to any, even secularized, transcendental signifier. What would be able to connect with real political uncanny is comprehended in the provision of action (praxis). It requires a theoretical way of performativity in the event that cannot happen without cialis 10mg how long does it last a decision on the change of reality in a historical-epochal constellation of power and strength. The problem of Derrida’s thinking of the political arises from the idea of upcoming democracy: it necessarily has some remnant of theological contents and messianic forms without Messiah and without God in the age of radical depoliticization of society and culture. In this respect, its focus on unconditional hospitality cialis is there a generic and unconditional friendship has some surplus of non-political acts and ethics, rather than fragments of real politics.
Keywords Upcoming Community; Political Deconstruction; Sovereignty; Democracy; Derrida
Davor Rodin ; Faculty of Political Science, University of Zagreb, Zagreb, Croatia Fulltext: pdf (101 KB), Croatian, Pages 7 – 19
Abstracts In interpreting current social and political processes, one should recognize new and mutually different political and democratic forces, which should offer an alternative to trends which had generated the crisis. Since totalitarian regimes such as fascism and communism (and even neoliberalism) did not solve the crisis of capitalism in the past, writers like Habermas, Searle, Luhmann, Wolin, Vesting and others do not consider them as potential solutions for the contemporary crisis. The solutions are not being sought within the framework of universalisation of particular interests either. Even less they look for a solution within some universal virtue that would represent all other virtues. On the contrary – the contemporary theory recognizes that humanity in its lifeworld operates within different media and that the unified lifeworld is represented in different, incommensurable media, so the new theory attempts to create a modus
vivendi among various representations of the world, not one single unitary interpretation. Contemporary theories are interested in the issue of coexistence between incommensurable differences, and thus they ask: how to preserve pluralism of social life. This process remains open. On the other hand, any idea of a single solution within a single unified medium leads to renewal of totalitarianisms, or even a world war, a new Holocaust or a new Hiroshima.
Keywords Political Reality; Capitalism; Money; Neoliberalism; Monetarism
Dejan Jović ; Faculty of Political Science, University of Zagreb, Zagreb, Croatia
Puni tekst: pdf (157 KB), Hrvatski, Str. 7 – 36
As Croatia prepares for membership in the EU (most likely in 2013), its foreign
policy is in a need of re-conceptualisation. In the first 20 years of its
independence (declared in 1991), Croatian foreign policy has been through
three different phases. Each of them was focused on one single objective. The
three objectives that have marked three distinguished phases of Croatian foreign
policy were: 1) international recognition of its statehood; 2) territorial
re-integration and 3) membership in NATO and the EU. When (and if) it joins
the EU, the country will have to change its single-objective based foreign
policy for a multiple-objectives foreign policy approach. It will have to take
into consideration a whole set of new issues, some of which will be global in
character. In addition, it will need to harmonise its own priorities with those
of other EU member-states. The article focuses on options that are available
to foreign-policy decision-makers when they wish to re-orientate the foreign
policy of a country. In particular, the author looks at the options available to
small states and small powers. The outcome of the process will be influenced
by the size and ambitions of the country, as well as by internal political and
ideological dynamics in Croatian politics, which would need to become better
harmonised with political trends in the EU. The author approaches foreign
policy decision-making as a dynamic process in which ideas and values matter.
For that reason, he focuses not only on interaction between states but also
interaction between three main party families within the European context: 1)
Liberals, 2) Conservatives and 3) Socialists. In particular, he looks at the differences
they have on two main issues for the future of the EU: 1) further enlargement
of the EU and 2) global ambitions of the EU. The article is drawing
on contemporary literature on foreign policy of small states and small powers.
It argues that Croatia needs more strategic thinking in order to make best use
of new opportunities.
Croatian foreign policy; small countries; small powers; European Union; theories of international relations