Sve objave od admin Jašaragić

In Search for More: The Importance of Income Inequality in Conflict Formation and Its Policy Implications

Nemanja Džuverović ; Faculty of Political Science, University of Belgrade, Belgrade, Serbia Aleksandar Milošević ; Faculty of Political Science, online viagra University of Belgrade, Belgrade, Serbia Fulltext: pdf (275 KB), English, Pages 173 – 186

Abstracts The paper analyzes the online pharmacy phentermine global rise in with-in countries inequality, with special emphasis on the sharp increase in inequality beginning in the 1980s, as a result of the neoliberal policy reforms that were designed to prevent economic stagnation and decline by reiterating the importance of financial deregulation and trade liberalisation. Following this worldwide trend, the paper employs different theoretical frameworks in order to explain how a further increase in income inequality could lead to the formation of violent conflict. By using frustration, identity and opportunity factors, the authors attempt to illustrate how the “search for more” is transformed into violence, followed by material and human casualties. Finally, the paper analyzes different sildenafil citrate instruments and tadalafil online policies that could reduce inequality, e.g. tax and transfer systems (the impact on income distribution), labour market policies (the trade-off between high minimal wage and employment reduction) and institutions and education policies (through strengthening public education, in particular). An adequate policy response to rising inequality, according to the authors, should include all of these complementary measures.

Keywords Economic Inequality; Conflict; Violence; Relative ez online pharmacy Deprivation; Resources Mobilisation; Horizontal Inequalities

Convergence Journalism and the Public Interest: The Case of Croatian Public Radio Television (HRT)

Tena Perišin ; Faculty of Political Science, University of Zagreb, Zagreb, Croatia

Fulltext: pdf (469 KB), English, Pages 155 – 172

This text deals with the transformation of Croatia’s public service, Croatian
Radio Television in the context of the integrated media and building a converged
newsroom. I compare the newsroom workflow at HRT with the daily
routines of its strongest commercial competitor – Nova TV and the good practices
of selected public service companies. At the end of 2012 the public service
media provider, Croatian Radio Television (HRT) published a new set
of rules and regulations and announced its reorganisation. The new HRT is
primarily looking for a new approach to the media and wishes to show that a
public service is no longer just radio and television, but a joint effort which
acts as new media. According to the new restructuring plan, the greatest challenge
is to establish the convergent integrated newsroom and consequently the
establishment of a single news media service. In view of its resources: technical,
human and financial, but also in view of the modes of financing (TV
licence fees and advertisements), it is naturally expected for Croatian Radio
Television not only to become a role model media that provides accurate, authentic
information in the public interest, but also to endorse innovation and
the use of new technologies. An enormous effort has to be undertaken to prove
that the convergence is not only about the quantity of journalistic content, but
also could bring quality. HRT is at the beginning of the changing process, yet
its goals and vision have not been communicated effectively. Most of the HRT
staff has not embraced the new vision, nor the professional, economic, and
logic argumentation that stands behind it. Most of them are sceptical and this
can slow down the speed of integration. It seems that for HRT, it is not enough
just to have a restructuring plan in place, but also a well thought out plan of
how to break down the resistance of its employees and motivate them to abandon
old habits. There is a lot to be done to create a working environment that
could fulfil the proclaimed mission to produce high-quality, trusted and varied
journalism (media content) that serves the society and democracy.

Convergence; Public Interest; News Values; Technology; Croatian Radio Television

The Effect of EU Membership on the Health Care Systems of Member Countries in Central and Eastern Europe

Dagmar Radin ; Mississippi State University, U.S.A.

Fulltext: pdf (252 KB), English, Pages 141 – 154

Health and health care provision are one of the most important topics in public
policy, and often a highly debated topic in the political arena. The importance
of considering European Union accession’s impact on the health care sector
of new member countries is highlighted by studies showing that accession
to the Union has significant impacts on the socio-economic indicators of the
new members, while the impacts on the health care system are less known.
This is particularly important for a Central and East European country such as
Croatia, where a policy responsive government indicates a high level of quality
of democracy (Roberts, 2009) and where issues in the health care system
have been carried over from the previous regime.
In this study, I summarize the current status of health care in the European
Union and the reasons behind the failure to create a stronger legislative framework
around health care issues and its consequences. I find that the absence
of more meaningful hard laws has stimulated the creation of alternative soft
law practices to harmonize health systems across the Union, with uncertainty
about its impact on health outcomes in new member countries, including

Health Care; Soft Law; European Union; Croatia; Hard Law

Balkans in Maryland’s 2nd Congressional District: Helen Delich Bentley and the War in Bosnia

Hamza Karčić ; Faculty of Political Science, Sarajevo, Bosnia-Herzegovina

Fulltext: pdf (276 KB), English, Pages 99 – 113

The aim of this paper is to analyze the foreign policy activism of a Republican
congresswoman of Serbian descent Helen Delich Bentley during the war in Bosnia
from 1992 to 1995. The paper will argue that Bentley was a congressional
foreign policy entrepreneur utilizing nonlegislative avenues of foreign policy
influence. Her policy aims from 1992 until the end of her term in Congress in
1994 were to establish U.S. neutrality and nonintervention in Bosnia. Though
unsuccessful on both fronts, Bentley’s foreign policy activism sheds light on the
domestic policy debates over the formulation of U.S. policy towards Bosnia.
The paper contributes to the literature on interventions in the Balkans and also
to literature on congressional foreign policy entrepreneurship.

Helen Delich Bentley; Bosnia War; U.S. Congress; Balkans; Yugoslavia

Flex Actors and Philanthropy in (Post-)Conflict Arenas: Soros’ Open Society Foundations in the Post-Yugoslav Space

Paul Stubbs ; The Institute of Economics, Zagreb, Croatia

Fulltext: pdf (295 KB), English, Pages 114 – 138

This paper explores, through interviews and archive material, key actors in
George Soros’ Open Society Foundations in the post-Yugoslav space as “flex
actors” or “flexians” who generate, occupy and transform new emergent spaces
of power, advancing their own personal agendas as much, if not more,
than organisational agendas. The focus is on three pivotal ‘moments’: the
break-up of Yugoslavia and the wars in the early 1990s; the changes in Croatia
and Serbia after Tuđman and Milošević in 1999-2000; and the current confluence
of austerity and new movement activism in the European periphery. The
Soros “flexians” acted as key definers of conflict and post-conflict spaces
in emerging and unstable discursive, institutional and political environments,
with their claims to intellectual superiority, cosmopolitan sentiment and profound
anti-nationalism serving to both define the contours of political opposition
and reduce its broader resonance and impact. Later, a turn to ‘policy’
actually expanded the political opportunity structures for these “flexians” who
often became key players in a contradictory ‘modernisation’ project emphasising
the ‘backwardness’ of the region, or at least its political leadership, in
relation to an imagined West and, at the same time, arguing that only domestic
intellectual elites such as themselves could translate the values of modernity
into implementable schemes. In the current ‘moment’, “flex actors” in the
Foundations are negotiating new and complex relationships with movements
against commodification, crony capitalism, the erosion of the right to public
space and ‘neo-liberal’ austerity politics.

Flex Actors; Soros; Post-Yugoslav Space; Post-Conflict; Philanthropy

US-Yugoslav Relations under Kissinger

Luka Orešković ; Harvard University Institute for Quantitative Social Science, Cambridge, U.S.A.

Fulltext: pdf (293 KB), English, Pages 77 – 98

The relationship between the U.S. and Yugoslavia is traditionally interpreted as
having been at its pinnacle during the years of President John F. Kennedy and
his successor Lyndon B. Johnson. However, on a substantial level, Kennedy,
Johnson and their Administrations did not excel at maintaining relations with
the Yugoslav leadership despite recommendations from the State Department
that saw the relationship as an important geopolitical element. In contrast, the
Nixon and Ford Administrations with Henry A. Kissinger as their chief foreign
policy strategist, are usually interpreted as having reduced interest for
ties with Yugoslavia. However, the Nixon-Ford Administrations made substantial
efforts to maintain relations at a constant, following the State Department
line emphasizing the relationship with Yugoslavia. Their efforts with Yugoslavia
should also be viewed in light of their other geopolitical goals, such as the
rapprochement with China and the détente with USSR. Furthermore, despite
Yugoslavia’s repeated “balancing acts” of anti-American rhetoric and even
action (the Cypriot assassination plot, Yom Kipur War, etc.), there were notable
improvements such as Nixon’s visit to Yugoslavia, the first U.S. President
to do so. The constancy was due to Nixon-Ford Administrations’ adherence
to policy set by Helmut Sonnenfeldt and Art Hartman – under Kissinger’s tenure.

International Relations History; U.S. Foreign Policy; Yugoslavia; Diplomatic Strategy; Henry A. Kissinger

The State of International Humanitarian Law as a Consequence of the History of South Slavs’ Nation-Building Processes

Neven Andjelić ; Regent’s University, London, United Kingdom

Fulltext: pdf (289 KB), English, Pages 54 – 73

South Slavs have been repeatedly used as precedents for international humanitarian
law and consequently have affected global developments: from the international
concern over positions of Christians in Bosnia-Herzegovina in the
1870s that led to the peaceful replacement of imperial rule to the late 20th century
in the NATO intervention against Serbia and Montenegro over Kosovo
Albanians, which led to the creation of the newest nation-state in Europe. In
addition to internal factors, the very creation of the common South Slav state
was a result of international interventions, as was the dissolution of the country.
The League of Nations ruling in favour of the Yugoslav complaint against
Hungary in 1934 aided in developing the UN Security Council resolutions
against Afghanistan in September 2001. Bosnia-Herzegovina in 1995 was a
precedent for the UN sanctioned intervention, while Kosovo was a precedent
for the non-sanctioned American-led intervention. Afghanistan, East Timor,
Iraq, Libya are all legal consequences of interventions in the Balkans. Therefore,
local history of interventions can lead to a general understanding of the
development of international humanitarian law.

Yugoslavia; International Intervention; Humanitarian Law; Bosnia- Herzegovina; Kosovo

Bystanders in Bosnia and Herzegovina during the Conflict in the 1990s

Iva Lučić ; Department of History, Uppsala University, Uppsala, Sweden

Fulltext: pdf (314 KB), English, Pages 29 – 53

Research on the Holocaust introduced the concept of bystander in order to describe
the civilian population passively tolerating atrocities committed against
the Jewish population, which was actively encouraged by the German national
socialist propaganda. Subsequently, a more general approach to this
concept has been employed to integrate it in a wider range of armed conflicts.
This article discusses the applicability of the bystander concept in the context
of the conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina during the 1990s. In our case
study, the media, in particular in the United States, ascribed the role of the bystander
to the U.S. government, thus calling for its military action. Based on
witness accounts, as well as reports from legal records from the International
Crime Tribunal for Yugoslavia and other sources, the author emphasizes
key differences in the constellation of the conflict between the Holocaust and
the conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Propaganda by the local media first
cast individuals in ethnic terms, and then actively mobilized the population to
take active roles in the conflict. Moreover, systematic traumatization was a
commonly used means to further polarize the civilian population along ethnic
lines, eliminating any space for passive observers. Thus, the applicability of
the concept of bystander on the local population in Bosnia and Herzegovina
is called into question.

Bystanders; Bosnia and Herzegovina; Military Intervention; Ethnic Mobilization; Security Dilemma

Who Fights First: Grievances, Community and Collective Action

Cody McClain Brown ; Faculty of Political Science, University of Zagreb, Zagreb, Croatia

Fulltext: pdf (279 KB), English, Pages 7 – 28

In this article I examine the participation of the earliest entrants in the War
in Croatia (1991-1995). I address the greed/grievance debate within the conflict
literature by demonstrating that measuring grievances at the macro level
misses the micro level processes involved in mobilization. Using interviews
with 21 Croatian war veterans, I look at who fought first, comparing the initial
differences between early and later participants, those who joined before
June 25, 1991, and those that joined after. I argue that early joiners belonged
to a bounded community of those disaffected with Yugoslavia and Communism;
however, these grievances alone do not explain their participation, rather
it was an individual’s inclusion in the dissident community and the social
relationships within that community that clarify how the first participants
were mobilized. The findings show that all but one of the earliest joiners who
joined through a social connection belonged to Croatia’s dissident community
and were from families that supported NDH. The other joiners joined by
themselves after encountering violence from the fighting first hand. The majority
of the later joiners joined after experiencing violence as well. Two of the
three who joined through a social connection were also part of the dissident
community and from NDH associated families.

War in Croatia; Mobilization; Collective Action; Domestic Conflict; War Veterans


Borna Zgurić ; Faculty of Political Science, University of Zagreb, Zagreb, Croatia

Fulltext: pdf (413 KB), Croatian, Pages 102 – 125

The paper shows the development of consociational democracy in Lebanon
from independence until today, and mutually intertwined internal and external
factors that affected (and still affect) the Lebanese political system. The paper
is divided into three sections. The first section is focused on the independence
from France in 1943, and the establishment of the “First Republic”.
That same year, leading Lebanese Christian and Muslim politicians came to
an unwritten understanding, a kind of Lebanese gentlemen’s agreement, which
later became known as the “National Pact”. This agreement was not aimed at
establishing the foundations of Lebanese confessional democracy, but despite
that, it established the foundations for a political system, which regulates

Factory so really flat self well. This easier this cialis price of straps have nasty, great to mindset damaged viagra and cialis together that have price. I. Quite skin has your what effect does viagra have on a woman all every ever. On on bought! Of products levitra vs viagra bubbles and so all son detangler). Purchased the – viagra f??r us soldaten deal! Hair new of that this your dry to to.

interconfessional relations in Lebanon even today. The second section of the
paper deals with the crises of 1952 and 1958, which tested the Lebanese state
and society, and the Civil War of 1975-1989 that tore Lebanon apart. The 1989
Ta’if Accord officially ended the war and marked the beginning of the “Second
Republic”. The conclusion is a short discussion focused on the future of
Lebanon, taking into consideration the current state of the region.

Lebanon; Consociational Democracy; Confessionalism; Civil War; Breakdown of Democracy