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Milan Mesić ; Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, University of Zagreb, Zagreb, Croatia Fulltext: pdf (137 KB), Croatian, Pages 107 – 131

Abstracts The author first deals with the concept of national minority, presenting various attempts of their legal and conceptual defining. Since there is no generally accepted definition of national minorities, even within the EU, there are still controversies on the issue of defining a group as “national minority”. In addition, there are disputes over the issue of representation and political-juridical protection of

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minorities. At the same time such international legal uncertainty allows for broad flexibility in conceptualising and implementing instruments for protection and representation. The article focuses also on some of these models, especially when it comes to Croatia. We argue that there is no clarity in who constitutes a national minority in Croatia, and thus the practice of political representation remains driven by political considerations rather than by principles. This is a source of inconsistency in legal solutions for parliamentary representation of national minorities. The author argues in favour of special representation of national minorities in the Parliament and for the instrument of double vote for citizens who belong to national minorities. This instrument is justified also because of the very significant contribution that national minorities have given to Croatian society in the past.

Keywords Conceptual Debates on National Minorities; National Minorities in Croatia; Political Representation; Minority Representatives in Croatian Parliament; Multiculturalism

Pojam nacionalnih manjina i njihovo političko predstavljanje: slučaj Hrvatske

Milan Mesić ; Filozofski fakultet Sveučilišta u Zagrebu, Zagreb, Hrvatska

Puni tekst: pdf (137 KB), Hrvatski, Str. 107 – 131

Autor se prvo bavi pojmom nacionalnih manjina, prikazujući razne, ali rijetke
pokušaje njihova pravnog i konceptualnoga određenja. Budući ne postoji
općeprihvaćena definicija nacionalnih manjina, čak ni u Europskoj uniji, to
stalno otvara kontroverzije o njihovu shvaćanju i instrumentima njihove političko-
pravne zaštite, ali i omogućuje državama potpisnicama konvencija o
manjinama veliku fleksibilnost u njihovu tumačenju i provođenju. Druga je
tema, povezana s prvom, pitanje političkoga predstavljanja nacionalnih manjina
na parlamentarnoj državnoj razini. U članku se raspravlja o prednostima
i nedostacima različitih modela manjinskoga predstavništva i zaključuje da je
u svakom slučaju važno uključiti manjinske predstavnike u nacionalne parlamente.
U slučaju Hrvatske pokazuje se da ni zakonodavac ni politička teorija
nisu osmislili koncept nacionalne manjine koji bi odgovarao hrvatskoj etničkoj
multikulturalnosti, što pokazuje i krajnje raznorodna lista službeno priznatih
‘nacionalnih manjina’. Cijela rasprava usmjerena je na kraju na pitanje nedorečenosti
i proturječnosti parlamentarnih mandata manjinskih predstavnika, koji
(više)etničkim malobrojnim glasovima dobivaju opći politički mandat.

Ključne riječi
pojam nacionalne manjine; nacionalne manjine u Hrvatskoj; političko predstavljanje; manjinski zastupnici u Hrvatskom saboru; multikulturalnost


Petar Popović ; Libertas – Dubrovnik International University, Dubrovnik, Croatia

Fulltext: pdf (142 KB), Croatian, Pages 48 – 72

In the past two decades, cyber-space became the new, “fifth battlefield” in the
field of international relations. Decision-makers and scholars agree that the
major threat to national security of every state today is cyber-war, cyber-terror
and cyber-crime. This is due to the lack of inter-state institutional and legal
framework for cyber-space. Thus, the inter-state relations in cyber-space is
one of classical Hobbesian anarchy. This article examines: 1. the essence and
nature of cyber-space and its relation to international society, in the context
of world technological domination that makes anarchy possible; 2. the main
aspects of anarchy in cyber-space during the past two decades; 3. the possibility
of institutionalization of international legal system (through multilateral
treaty) in cyber-space, from the perspective of three distinct IR theoretical traditions:
Hobbesian, rationalist and Kantian/moral.

Cyber-space; Cyber-war; International Society; International Law; Hobbes; Anarchy


Žarko Paić ; Faculty of Textile generic cialis online usa Technology, University of Zagreb, Zagreb, Croatia Fulltext: pdf (146 KB), Croatian, Pages 20 – 47

Abstracts The article critically analyses the political thinking of the late Derrida. The basic assumption is that after the end of the idea of sovereignty of the nationstate we should create a new thinking that will no longer be derrived from the metaphysical context within which the policy of the new technology can be useful. End of the subject in globalization politics requires deconstruction of all concepts of modern politics: state, cialis user reviews society, law, morality. Political thinking in contrast to political philosophy and theory of politics has no “foundation” in present reality. Derrida and many other distinctive thinkers of upcoming community try to operate with the idea that the political can be reduced to any, even secularized, transcendental signifier. What would be able to connect with real political uncanny is comprehended in the provision of action (praxis). It requires a theoretical way of performativity in the event that cannot happen without cialis 10mg how long does it last a decision on the change of reality in a historical-epochal constellation of power and strength. The problem of Derrida’s thinking of the political arises from the idea of upcoming democracy: it necessarily has some remnant of theological contents and messianic forms without Messiah and without God in the age of radical depoliticization of society and culture. In this respect, its focus on unconditional hospitality cialis is there a generic and unconditional friendship has some surplus of non-political acts and ethics, rather than fragments of real politics.

Keywords Upcoming Community; Political Deconstruction; Sovereignty; Democracy; Derrida


Davor Rodin ; Faculty of Political Science, University of Zagreb, Zagreb, Croatia Fulltext: pdf (101 KB), Croatian, Pages 7 – 19

Abstracts In interpreting current social and political processes, one should recognize new and mutually different political and democratic forces, which should offer an alternative to trends which had generated the crisis. Since totalitarian regimes such as fascism and communism (and even neoliberalism) did not solve the crisis of capitalism in the past, writers like Habermas, Searle, Luhmann, Wolin, Vesting and others do not consider them as potential solutions for the contemporary crisis. The solutions are not being sought within the framework of universalisation of particular interests either. Even less they look for a solution within some universal virtue that would represent all other virtues. On the contrary – the contemporary theory recognizes that humanity in its lifeworld operates within different media and that the unified lifeworld is represented in different, incommensurable media, so the new theory attempts to create a modus

vivendi among various representations of the world, not one single unitary interpretation. Contemporary theories are interested in the issue of coexistence between incommensurable differences, and thus they ask: how to preserve pluralism of social life. This process remains open. On the other hand, any idea of a single solution within a single unified medium leads to renewal of totalitarianisms, or even a world war, a new Holocaust or a new Hiroshima.

Keywords Political Reality; Capitalism; Money; Neoliberalism; Monetarism


Dejan Jović ; Faculty of Political Science, University of Zagreb, Zagreb, Croatia

Puni tekst: pdf (157 KB), Hrvatski, Str. 7 – 36 

As Croatia prepares for membership in the EU (most likely in 2013), its foreign
policy is in a need of re-conceptualisation. In the first 20 years of its
independence (declared in 1991), Croatian foreign policy has been through
three different phases. Each of them was focused on one single objective. The
three objectives that have marked three distinguished phases of Croatian foreign
policy were: 1) international recognition of its statehood; 2) territorial
re-integration and 3) membership in NATO and the EU. When (and if) it joins
the EU, the country will have to change its single-objective based foreign
policy for a multiple-objectives foreign policy approach. It will have to take
into consideration a whole set of new issues, some of which will be global in
character. In addition, it will need to harmonise its own priorities with those
of other EU member-states. The article focuses on options that are available
to foreign-policy decision-makers when they wish to re-orientate the foreign
policy of a country. In particular, the author looks at the options available to
small states and small powers. The outcome of the process will be influenced
by the size and ambitions of the country, as well as by internal political and
ideological dynamics in Croatian politics, which would need to become better
harmonised with political trends in the EU. The author approaches foreign
policy decision-making as a dynamic process in which ideas and values matter.
For that reason, he focuses not only on interaction between states but also
interaction between three main party families within the European context: 1)
Liberals, 2) Conservatives and 3) Socialists. In particular, he looks at the differences
they have on two main issues for the future of the EU: 1) further enlargement
of the EU and 2) global ambitions of the EU. The article is drawing
on contemporary literature on foreign policy of small states and small powers.
It argues that Croatia needs more strategic thinking in order to make best use
of new opportunities.

Ključne riječi
Croatian foreign policy; small countries; small powers; European Union; theories of international relations