Arhiva kategorije: Sažetak

Measuring Currency Power from 2005 to 2018: Greenback Still Unrivaled or Increasingly Constrained by Its Rivals?

Original scientific paper
https://doi.org/10.20901/pm.56.3-4.11

Kristijan Kotarski ; Faculty of Political Science, University of Zagreb, Croatia
Alexander C. Tan ; University of Canterbury, New Zealand

Fulltext: english, pdf (615 KB) pages 241-268 cite

Abstracts
The main research goal of this paper is to empirically assess the state of US currency power relative to its main rivals in the period between 2005 and 2018. The most novel aspect of our inquiry is the design of three new composite indices called: Monetary Capability Index (MCI), Quality of Governance Index (QGI) and Currency Internationalization Index (CII). We argue that those indices are indispensable in an attempt to empirically measure the concept of currency power, both its underlying material and non-material resources, as well as the degree of their effective exploatation. Based on the conducted analysis it is visible that material resources are a necessary but not sufficient condition to wield and exert currency power which we proxy by currency internationalization. In that regard quality of governance remains indispensable to this effort. Our measurement shows that US currency power remains unshattered by the global financial crisis (GFC) and US dollar is still placed firmly at the top of international monetary and credit hierarchy. In spite of dangers emanating from Trump’s erratic policy, US rivals either face weakening of their currency power in terms of their monetary capability or still lag far behind the US in terms of their quality of governance.

Keywords
Currency Power; Currency Internationalization Index; Monetary Capability Index; Quality of Governance Index; US Dollar

Hrčak ID: 235369

URI
https://hrcak.srce.hr/235369

The Implications of the “New Course” Strategy

Original scientific paper
https://doi.org/10.20901/pm.56.3-4.10

Igor Ivašković ; School of Economics and Business, University of Ljubljana, Slovenia

Fulltext: english, pdf (353 KB) pages 218-238 cite

Abstracts
This article examines the political framework of “novi kurs” (“New Course”) from the beginning of the 20th century, its strategic aims and its function within the battle of different visions of a South Slavic state. The evidence shows that the new political direction contributed to the improvement of conflicting relations between Croats and Serbs, but, at the same time, it had a negative impact on the Croatian-Slovenian alliance along the Adriatic coast. In the context of the latter relation, the author analyses the reactions of Slovenians from Trieste and Primorska region who were supposed to be the collaterals due to what seemed to be an agreement between Serbs and Croats. However, although the “New Course” may be seen as long expected consensus between Croats and Serbs, a thorough analysis undermines that thesis. This became evident with the formation of two political factions within the Croatian-Serbian Coalition in which different views on the fundamental geopolitical parameters of the South Slavic state were developed.

Keywords
“New Course”; Adriatic Issue; Dalmatia, Kingdom of Croatia-Slavonia; National Question

Hrčak ID: 235368

URI
https://hrcak.srce.hr/235368

Collective Memory and an Interpretative Approach: The Struggle over Kosovo’s Independence as an Ideational Background for Contemporary Serbia’s Foreign Policy Choices

Original scientific paper
https://doi.org/10.20901/pm.56.3-4.09

Faris Kočan ; Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Ljubljana, Slovenia

Fulltext: english, pdf (346 KB) pages 200-217 cite

Abstracts
Contrary to the common understanding that collective memory functions as a driver for fostering domestic peace, stability, a common national identity, and serves as a cornerstone for the realisation of specific national goals, our aim is to show how collective memory is understood as a constitutive element of foreign policy narratives and how memory can influence foreign policy choices (Anderson, 1983; Gillis, 199 4; Hobsbawm and Ranger, 1983; Bodnar, 1992; Schudson, 1993; Dian, 2017). Building on the work of Müller (2002), Bell (2010), Langenbacher and Shain (2010), Resende and Budryte (2014), Dian (2017) and Bachleitner (2018), we will argue that Serbia’s foreign policy choice in 2013 to sign the agreement with Kosovo is best understood with the help of an interpretative approach to foreign policy, as this issue de facto reflected the continuation of the role of sacrifice within Serbian collective memory. A narrative of victimisation was used to efficiently bridge the ‘guilt’ and tie it to the notion of great powers’ intervention. This article also examines the paradox of Serbia’s endeavours to hold on to Kosovo by looking into how the struggle over the nation’s past provides the fundamental ideational background for contemporary foreign policy choices.

Keywords
Collective Memory; Interpretative Approach; Foreign Policy Choices; Narratives; Myth

Hrčak ID: 235367

URI
https://hrcak.srce.hr/235367

Russia’s Foreign Policy Evolution in the New Balkan Landscape

Original scientific paper
https://doi.org/10.20901/pm.56.3-4.08

Ekaterina Entina ; Department of International Relations, National Research University Higher School of Economics, Moscow, Russia
Alexander Pivovarenko ; Department of International Relations, National Research University Higher School of Economics, Moscow, Russia

Fulltext: english, pdf (334 KB) pages 179-199 cite

Abstracts
The article reflects on the issue of the foreign policy strategy of modern Russia in the Balkans region. One of the most significant aspects of this problem is the difference in views between Russia and the West. Authors show how different interpretations of the events in former Yugoslavia in the 1990s and the beginning of the 2000s predetermined the sense of mutual suspicion and mistrust which spread to other regions such as the post-Soviet space. Exploring differences between the Russian and the Western (Euro-Atlantic) views on the current matters, authors draw attention to fundamental differences in terminology: while the Western narrative promotes more narrow geographical and political definitions (such as the Western Balkan Six), traditional Russian experts are more inclined to wider or integral definitions such as “the Balkans” and “Central and Southeast Europe”. Meanwhile none of these terms are applicable for analysis of the current trends such as the growing transit role of the Balkans region and its embedding in the European regional security architecture. Therefore, a new definition is needed to overcome the differences in vision and better understand significant recent developments in the region. Conceptualizing major foreign policy events in Central and Southeast Europe during the last three decades (the 1990s, 2000s and 2010s), authors demonstrate the significance of differences in tools and methods between the Soviet Union and the modern Russia. Permanent need for adaptation to changing political and security context led to inconsistence in Russian Balkan policy in the 1990s. Nevertheless, Russia was able to preserve an integral vision of the region and even to elaborate new transregional constructive projects, which in right political circumstances may promote stability and become beneficial for both Russia and the Euro-Atlantic community.

Keywords
Balkans; Croatia; EU; NATO; Russia; Serbia

Hrčak ID: 235366

URI
https://hrcak.srce.hr/235366

Civil Society and the Rise of the Radical Right in Poland

Original scientific paper
https://doi.org/10.20901/pm.56.3-4.07

Tihomir Cipek ; Faculty of Political Science, University of Zagreb, Croatia
Stjepan Lacković ; PhD Student at the Faculty of Political Sciences, University of Zagreb, Croatia

Fulltext: english, pdf (363 KB) pages 153-176 cite

Abstracts
The influence of the radical right in the whole of Central Europe not only continues to grow, but has reached its apex by gaining power in Poland and Hungary. Its success is often attributed to two factors: a) the weakness of civil society, and b) economic and social crisis. We shall try to dispute these theses by using the example of Poland. We will defend a thesis that contradicts the usual claim that developed civil society also fosters democracy, and will show that the radical right owes its success precisely to its strength in civil society. This text will also show that there is no direct connection between the radical right and economic crisis, and that the real reason for its success is the dominance over the public discourse. The text is divided into three parts: the first will define the concept of the radical right and give an overview of the theories about its rise; the second part will focus on different explanations of the relationship between civil society and liberal democracy; and the third part will discuss the characteristics and activities of the most important organisations of the Polish radical right and their place in civil society and politics.

Keywords
Radical Right; Civil Society; Poland; Gender; Catholic Church

Hrčak ID: 235365

URI
https://hrcak.srce.hr/235365

“Europe Will Soon Be Lost to Political Correctness”: Evaluating a Discourse of Political Correctness in the Main Treaties of the European Union

Original scientific paper
https://doi.org/10.20901/pm.56.3-4.05

Bojana Klepač Pogrmilović ; Victoria University, Institute for Health and Sport, Melbourne, Australia

Fulltext: english, pdf (421 KB) pages 106-136 cite

Abstracts
Political correctness (PC), a contemporary phenomenon imported from the United States, has continuously been targeted as one of the key reasons for current troubles the European Union (EU) is facing. Even more, some predict that PC will be the cause of the eventual demise of Europe. This article investigates the presence of the discourse of PC in the fundamental treaties of the EU to explore whether the EU is in danger of being lost to PC. In the first part, the key traits of the discourse on PC and multiculturalism as a dominant philosophy behind it, are presented. One of the key traits of PC is linguistic engineering that may be labelled as mild or radical. In the second part, the content of the EU treaties and the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the EU are analysed comparing three different versions of the Lisbon Treaty and the Charter, namely English, German, and Croatian. The third part is focused on the analysis of the guidelines: Gender-neutral language in the European Parliament, as the most politically correct official document of the EU. The analysis showed that a change with regards to the employment of the discourse of PC came with the Lisbon Treaty and the Charter and is based on mild linguistic engineering. The change in the EU’s legal discourse arose from a cultural change that occurred in some member states. Mild linguistic engineering should not be seen as a real threat to Europe but may be interpreted as a way of reshaping the EU’s core value of non-discrimination. On the other hand, an (in)attentive slip from mild into radical linguistic engineering may ignite the flourishing of the far-right and anti-EU movements that could lead to a serious destabilization of Europe.

Keywords
Discourse of Political Correctness; Multiculturalism; Liberalism; European Union Treaties; Linguistic Engineering

Hrčak ID: 235363

URI
https://hrcak.srce.hr/235363

Producing European Modernity: Mythmaking and (Racial) Bourgeois-Capitalist Worldmaking in Modern Philosophical and Literary Writings

Original scientific paper
https://doi.org/10.20901/pm.56.3-4.04

Hrvoje Cvijanović ; Faculty of Political Science, University of Zagreb, Croatia

Fulltext: english, pdf (339 KB) pages 81-105 cite

Abstracts
This paper examines the ways in which modern philosophical and literary accounts have shaped and produced European modernity. The author looks at the myth as such, but especially in the quest, justifications, and narratives provided by Rousseau, Locke, and Daniel Defoe, among all. They are seen as grounding examples of modern mythmaking in which the concept of savagery has been uplifted and opposed to cultivating and civilizational practices, and used as a conceptual axis for articulating ideas of progress, self-preservation, and the state of nature. It is shown that modern bourgeois power of mythmaking through writing cannot be detached from racial bourgeois-capitalist worldmaking, or from the production and reproduction of racial capitalism – a structural and historical nexus of capitalism and racial oppression. The article concludes that by perpetuating myths of rational individuals rationally organizing the world, cultivating the wilderness, and enjoying freedom of production and consumption, European bourgeoisie conceptualized and constructed a fictional framework of modern man set within the mechanism of the modern state and capitalist production, that legitimized the predatory socio-economic practices based on harvesting social and natural resources, the same practices held by global capitalism as well.

Keywords
Modernity; Mythmaking; Rousseau; Locke; Robinson Crusoe; Racial Capitalism

Hrčak ID: 235362

URI
https://hrcak.srce.hr/235362

Bridge over Troubled Waters: The Pelješac Project, China, and the Implications for Good-neighbourly Relations and the EU

Original scientific paper
https://doi.org/10.20901/pm.56.3-4.03

Thomas Bickl

Fulltext: english, pdf (698 KB) pages 50-78 cite

Abstracts
This single-case study seeks, first, to analyse the Pelješac bridge project’s EU dimension, and the impact on the bilateral relations between Croatia and Bosnia- Herzegovina. The bridge is part of the so-called Road Connection to South Dalmatia, an infrastructure project linking the southern exclave of Croatia with the rest of the country. This article is going to reconstruct the considerable controversy between Sarajevo and Zagreb over the project. Second, this piece of research aims at highlighting the context of the bridge being built by a State-owned Chinese company and why the EU has been paralysed over the question of third-country bidders in national EU-wide public tenders. Lastly, this paper presents a recommendation on how the problem of maritime access to and from the territorial waters of Bosnia-Herzegovina through Croatian internal waters can be solved. The article demonstrates that the three issues of controversy related to the Pelješac bridge project can and must be unbundled to arrive at sustainable solutions for the region as a whole. The method employed in this article is process-tracing covering the period between 1999 and today based on interviews, documents, and secondary literature.

Keywords
Croatia; Bosnia-Herzegovina; Public Procurement; EU Enlargement; China

Hrčak ID: 235361

URI
https://hrcak.srce.hr/235361

International Medical Knowledge Transfer as a Tool of Public Diplomacy: The Case of Croatia

Original scientific paper
https://doi.org/10.20901/pm.56.3-4.02

Nikica Daraboš ; Clinical Hospital Center Zagreb, Croatia
Dagmar Radin ; Faculty of Political Science, University of Zagreb

Fulltext: english, pdf (326 KB) pages 29-49 cite

Abstracts
The international dissemination of expertise in most transition countries is underdeveloped because of a number of developmental and practical challenges. Croatia’s overall educational and innovatory potential for health knowledge transfer remains above average when compared to what has been achieved by other new EU Member States, and it is dominated by public sector research institutes and universities. This unrealized potential could be improved further by enhancing the international dissemination of Croatian medical expertise using public diplomacy. The aim of this paper is to address the way in which the international dissemination of medical expertise in transition countries can serve as a tool of public diplomacy to improve its scope and success, in addition to advancing the scope of the knowledge transfer itself. The case of Croatia is used as an example. An effective communication strategy is an important element of public diplomacy that, by influencing public opinion, provides the necessary precondition for active societal support of the willing participants in the transfer of knowledge. Hence, at the beginning of this paper we present the concept of international knowledge transfer in general, and then proceed to present the example of the transfer of Croatian medical knowledge. The second part of this paper addresses elements of public diplomacy and different communication mechanisms and the potential for the international dissemination of domestic medical expertise, with the primary emphasis on Croatia. Finally, we present an overall analysis and an algorithm of public diplomacy activities that each country in transition can adopt to overcome failures associated with the international dissemination of medical expertise.

Keywords
Public Diplomacy; Healthcare System; Medical Knowledge Transfer

Hrčak ID: 235360

URI
https://hrcak.srce.hr/235360

Ideology, Partisanship, and Change: Voter Profiles of Main Political Parties in Croatia

Original scientific paper
https://doi.org/10.20901/pm.56.3-4.01

Višeslav Raos ; Faculty of Political Science, University of Zagreb, Croatia

Fulltext: english, pdf (364 KB) pages 7-28 cite

Abstracts
This paper analyzes changes in the Croatian party system in the 1990-2016 period by looking at trends in the ideological makeup of voters of the main center-right (HDZ) and center-left (SDP) parties. An assessment of changes in voter self-placement on a left-right scale has shown a gradual increase in the ideological distance among voters of these parties. Further, the paper detected a trend towards an increase in the share of self-declared far-right voters among HDZ voters and far-left voters among SDP voters. In addition, an analysis of categorical ideological identification has demonstrated that, on average, two thirds of HDZ voters were Christian Democrats, while two thirds of SDP voters were Social Democrats. However, among all Christian Democrats, an average of 55 percent voted for the HDZ, while just shy of 60 percent of Social Democrats voted for the SDP. Finally, a logistic regression analysis has confirmed the importance of the cultural dimension of voter behavior in Croatia. Religiosity levels, as well as left-right self-placement serve as rather good predictors of a vote for the HDZ and the SDP, with the model showing greater explanatory strength for HDZ voters. In conclusion, the observed trends in ideological characteristics of HDZ and SDP voters could serve as pointers of underlying shifts in patterns of party competition and offer clues to the increased instability of the Croatian party system following the 2015 and 2016 parliamentary elections.

Keywords
Left-Right Self-Placement; Voter Behavior; Voter Ideology; Partisanship; Croatia

Hrčak ID: 235359

URI
https://hrcak.srce.hr/235359