Institutions of the European Union have been reforming since the very first
moment of the EU’s existence. They have been adapting to the needs of time
and under the challenge viagra retail price walgreens of new political circumstances. Systematic reform
has been pharmacy software systems canada further encouraged by recent criticism of democratic deficit, the concept
that is often linked with is it legal to buy viagra online uk the EU. This paper argues that by using the experience
and institutional structure of the upper houses of some generic cialis tadalista national genericcialis-rxtopstore parliaments
this deficit could be lowered. The case-study in focus is the Council
(of the European Union). The author argues that the nearest possible sources
for reforms of the Council may be found in the practice of the US Senate and
German Bundesrat. In both American and German cases we are faced with the
parliaments with strong tradition of bicameralism. In both of them, the upper
house represents strong territorial units. In addition, the Senate advair inhaler canada pharmacy and over the counter viagra adelaide Bundesrat
are important actors in policy-making. Thus, they can serve as a good source
of ideas and institutional solutions that may be applicable to the Council too.
Strong Bicameralism; Upper House of Parliament; US Senate; Bundesrat; Council of the European Union
Institucije se Europske unije reformiraju od trenutka kada su utemeljene, prilagođavajući
se na taj način potrebama vremena i zahtjevima novih političkih
snaga. Potrebu za reformom europskih institucija dodatno je potaknula kritika
demokratskog deficita Europske unije. Cilj je ovog rada pokazati da se demokratski
deficit može otkloniti reformom najvažnije europske institucije – Vijeća
Europske unije – utemeljenom na postojećim spoznajama o uređenju sličnih
tijela. Riječ je o drugim domovima u federalnim političkim sustavima, za primjer
kojih su uzeti Senat SAD-a i Bundesrat SR Njemačke. Temeljni su to primjeri
snažnog bikameralizma u kojem subnacionalne teritorijalne jedinice imaju
značajnu mogućnost utjecati na odluke koje se donose na višoj razini vlasti.
snažni bikameralizam; drugi dom; Senat; Bundesrat; Vijeće
Milan Mesić ; Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, University of Zagreb, Zagreb, Croatia Fulltext: pdf (137 KB), Croatian, Pages 107 – 131
Abstracts The author first deals with the concept of national minority, presenting various attempts of their legal and conceptual defining. Since there is no generally accepted definition of national minorities, even within the EU, there are still controversies on the issue of defining a group as “national minority”. In addition, there are disputes over the issue of representation and political-juridical protection of
minorities. At the same time such international legal uncertainty allows for broad flexibility in conceptualising and implementing instruments for protection and representation. The article focuses also on some of these models, especially when it comes to Croatia. We argue that there is no clarity in who constitutes a national minority in Croatia, and thus the practice of political representation remains driven by political considerations rather than by principles. This is a source of inconsistency in legal solutions for parliamentary representation of national minorities. The author argues in favour of special representation of national minorities in the Parliament and for the instrument of double vote for citizens who belong to national minorities. This instrument is justified also because of the very significant contribution that national minorities have given to Croatian society in the past.
Keywords Conceptual Debates on National Minorities; National Minorities in Croatia; Political Representation; Minority Representatives in Croatian Parliament; Multiculturalism
Autor se prvo bavi pojmom nacionalnih manjina, prikazujući razne, ali rijetke
pokušaje njihova pravnog i konceptualnoga određenja. Budući ne postoji
općeprihvaćena definicija nacionalnih manjina, čak ni u Europskoj uniji, to
stalno otvara kontroverzije o njihovu shvaćanju i instrumentima njihove političko-
pravne zaštite, ali i omogućuje državama potpisnicama konvencija o
manjinama veliku fleksibilnost u njihovu tumačenju i provođenju. Druga je
tema, povezana s prvom, pitanje političkoga predstavljanja nacionalnih manjina
na parlamentarnoj državnoj razini. U članku se raspravlja o prednostima
i nedostacima različitih modela manjinskoga predstavništva i zaključuje da je
u svakom slučaju važno uključiti manjinske predstavnike u nacionalne parlamente.
U slučaju Hrvatske pokazuje se da ni zakonodavac ni politička teorija
nisu osmislili koncept nacionalne manjine koji bi odgovarao hrvatskoj etničkoj
multikulturalnosti, što pokazuje i krajnje raznorodna lista službeno priznatih
‘nacionalnih manjina’. Cijela rasprava usmjerena je na kraju na pitanje nedorečenosti
i proturječnosti parlamentarnih mandata manjinskih predstavnika, koji
(više)etničkim malobrojnim glasovima dobivaju opći politički mandat.
pojam nacionalne manjine; nacionalne manjine u Hrvatskoj; političko predstavljanje; manjinski zastupnici u Hrvatskom saboru; multikulturalnost
In the past two decades, cyber-space became the new, “fifth battlefield” in the
field of international relations. Decision-makers and scholars agree that the
major threat to national security of every state today is cyber-war, cyber-terror
and cyber-crime. This is due to the lack of inter-state institutional and legal
framework for cyber-space. Thus, the inter-state relations in cyber-space is
one of classical Hobbesian anarchy. This article examines: 1. the essence and
nature of cyber-space and its relation to international society, in the context
of world technological domination that makes anarchy possible; 2. the main
aspects of anarchy in cyber-space during the past two decades; 3. the possibility
of institutionalization of international legal system (through multilateral
treaty) in cyber-space, from the perspective of three distinct IR theoretical traditions:
Hobbesian, rationalist and Kantian/moral.
Cyber-space; Cyber-war; International Society; International Law; Hobbes; Anarchy
Abstracts The article critically analyses the political thinking of the late Derrida. The basic assumption is that after the end of the idea of http://genericcialis-cheaprxstore.com/ sovereignty of the nationstate we should create a new thinking that will no longer be derrived from the metaphysical context within which the policy of the new technology can be useful. End of the subject in globalization politics requires deconstruction of all concepts of modern politics: state, cialis user reviews society, law, morality. Political thinking in contrast to political philosophy and theory of politics has no “foundation” in present reality. Derrida and many other distinctive thinkers of upcoming community try to operate with the idea that the political can be reduced to any, even secularized, transcendental signifier. What would be able to connect with real political uncanny is comprehended in the provision of action (praxis). It requires a theoretical way of performativity in the event that cannot happen without cialis 10mg how long does it last a decision on the change of reality in a historical-epochal constellation of power and strength. The problem of Derrida’s thinking of the political arises from the idea of upcoming democracy: it necessarily has some remnant of theological contents and messianic forms without Messiah and without God in the age of radical depoliticization of society and culture. In this respect, its focus on unconditional hospitality cialis is there a generic and unconditional friendship has some surplus of non-political acts and ethics, rather than fragments of real politics.
Keywords Upcoming Community; Political Deconstruction; Sovereignty; Democracy; Derrida
Davor Rodin ; Faculty of Political Science, University of Zagreb, Zagreb, Croatia Fulltext: pdf (101 KB), Croatian, Pages 7 – 19
Abstracts In interpreting current social and political processes, one should recognize new and mutually different political and democratic forces, which should offer an alternative to trends which had generated the crisis. Since totalitarian regimes such as fascism and communism (and even neoliberalism) did not solve the crisis of capitalism in the past, writers like Habermas, Searle, Luhmann, Wolin, Vesting and others do not consider them as potential solutions for the contemporary crisis. The solutions are not being sought within the framework of universalisation of particular interests either. Even less they look for a solution within some universal virtue that would represent all other virtues. On the contrary – the contemporary theory recognizes that humanity in its lifeworld operates within different media and that the unified lifeworld is represented in different, incommensurable media, so the new theory attempts to create a modus
vivendi among various representations of the world, not one single unitary interpretation. Contemporary theories are interested in the issue of coexistence between incommensurable differences, and thus they ask: how to preserve pluralism of social life. This process remains open. On the other hand, any idea of a single solution within a single unified medium leads to renewal of totalitarianisms, or even a world war, a new Holocaust or a new Hiroshima.
Keywords Political Reality; Capitalism; Money; Neoliberalism; Monetarism