Neven Andjelić ; Regent’s University, London, United Kingdom
Fulltext: pdf (289 KB), English, Pages 54 – 73
South Slavs have been repeatedly used as precedents for international humanitarian
law and consequently have affected global developments: from the international
concern over positions of Christians in Bosnia-Herzegovina in the
1870s that led to the peaceful replacement of imperial rule to the late 20th century
in the NATO intervention against Serbia and Montenegro over Kosovo
Albanians, which led to the creation of the newest nation-state in Europe. In
addition to internal factors, the very creation of the common South Slav state
was a result of international interventions, as was the dissolution of the country.
The League of Nations ruling in favour of the Yugoslav complaint against
Hungary in 1934 aided in developing the UN Security Council resolutions
against Afghanistan in September 2001. Bosnia-Herzegovina in 1995 was a
precedent for the UN sanctioned intervention, while Kosovo was a precedent
for the non-sanctioned American-led intervention. Afghanistan, East Timor,
Iraq, Libya are all legal consequences of interventions in the Balkans. Therefore,
local history of interventions can lead to a general understanding of the
development of international humanitarian law.
Yugoslavia; International Intervention; Humanitarian Law; Bosnia- Herzegovina; Kosovo
Iva Lučić ; Department of History, Uppsala University, Uppsala, Sweden
Fulltext: pdf (314 KB), English, Pages 29 – 53
Research on the Holocaust introduced the concept of bystander in order to describe
the civilian population passively tolerating atrocities committed against
the Jewish population, which was actively encouraged by the German national
socialist propaganda. Subsequently, a more general approach to this
concept has been employed to integrate it in a wider range of armed conflicts.
This article discusses the applicability of the bystander concept in the context
of the conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina during the 1990s. In our case
study, the media, in particular in the United States, ascribed the role of the bystander
to the U.S. government, thus calling for its military action. Based on
witness accounts, as well as reports from legal records from the International
Crime Tribunal for Yugoslavia and other sources, the author emphasizes
key differences in the constellation of the conflict between the Holocaust and
the conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Propaganda by the local media first
cast individuals in ethnic terms, and then actively mobilized the population to
take active roles in the conflict. Moreover, systematic traumatization was a
commonly used means to further polarize the civilian population along ethnic
lines, eliminating any space for passive observers. Thus, the applicability of
the concept of bystander on the local population in Bosnia and Herzegovina
is called into question.
Bystanders; Bosnia and Herzegovina; Military Intervention; Ethnic Mobilization; Security Dilemma
Cody McClain Brown ; Faculty of Political Science, University of Zagreb, Zagreb, Croatia
Fulltext: pdf (279 KB), English, Pages 7 – 28
In this article I examine the participation of the earliest entrants in the War
in Croatia (1991-1995). I address the greed/grievance debate within the conflict
literature by demonstrating that measuring grievances at the macro level
misses the micro level processes involved in mobilization. Using interviews
with 21 Croatian war veterans, I look at who fought first, comparing the initial
differences between early and later participants, those who joined before
June 25, 1991, and those that joined after. I argue that early joiners belonged
to a bounded community of those disaffected with Yugoslavia and Communism;
however, these grievances alone do not explain their participation, rather
it was an individual’s inclusion in the dissident community and the social
relationships within that community that clarify how the first participants
were mobilized. The findings show that all but one of the earliest joiners who
joined through a social connection belonged to Croatia’s dissident community
and were from families that supported NDH. The other joiners joined by
themselves after encountering violence from the fighting first hand. The majority
of the later joiners joined after experiencing violence as well. Two of the
three who joined through a social connection were also part of the dissident
community and from NDH associated families.
War in Croatia; Mobilization; Collective Action; Domestic Conflict; War Veterans
Borna Zgurić ; Faculty of Political Science, University of Zagreb, Zagreb, Croatia
Fulltext: pdf (413 KB), Croatian, Pages 102 – 125
The paper shows the development of consociational democracy in Lebanon
from independence until today, and mutually intertwined internal and external
factors that affected (and still affect) the Lebanese political system. The paper
is divided into three sections. The first section is focused on the independence
from France in 1943, and the establishment of the “First Republic”.
That same year, leading Lebanese Christian and Muslim politicians came to
an unwritten understanding, a kind of Lebanese gentlemen’s agreement, which
later became known as the “National Pact”. This agreement was not aimed at
establishing the foundations of Lebanese confessional democracy, but despite
that, it established the foundations for a political system, which regulates the
interconfessional relations in Lebanon even today. The second section of the
paper deals with the crises of 1952 and 1958, which tested the Lebanese state
and society, and the Civil War of 1975-1989 that tore Lebanon apart. The 1989
Ta’if Accord officially ended the war and marked the beginning of the “Second
Republic”. The conclusion is a short discussion focused on the future of
Lebanon, taking into consideration the current state of the region.
Lebanon; Consociational Democracy; Confessionalism; Civil War; Breakdown of Democracy
Borna Zgurić ; Fakultet političkih znanosti Sveučilišta u Zagrebu, Zagreb, Hrvatska
Puni tekst: pdf (413 KB), Hrvatski, Str. 102 – 125
Članak prikazuje razvoj konsocijacijske demokracije u Libanonu od osamostaljenja
do danas te međusobno isprepletene unutarnje i vanjske faktore koji
su utjecali (i utječu) na libanonski politički sustav. Članak je podijeljen u tri
dijela. Prvi dio usmjeren je na osamostaljenje od Francuske 1943. i uspostavu
“Prve Republike”. Te iste godine vodeći libanonski kršćanski i muslimanski
političari došli su do nepisanog dogovora, svojevrsnog libanonskog
gentlemen’s agreementa, koji je kasnije postao poznat pod nazivom “Nacionalni
pakt”. Taj dogovor nije imao za cilj uspostaviti temelje libanonske konfesionalne
demokracije, no unatoč tome postavio je temelje političkom sustavu
koji i danas određuje međuvjerske odnose u Libanonu. Drugi dio članka
prikazuje krize iz 1952. i 1958. koje su dovele libanonsku državu i društvo
pred kušnju te građanski rat 1975-1989. koji je slomio Libanon. Taifskim sporazumom
1989. službeno je završen rat i označen početak perioda “Druge Republike”.
Zaključno kratko razmatranje usmjereno je na budućnost Libanona
s obzirom na trenutačno stanje u regiji.
Libanon; konsocijacijska demokracija; konfesionalizam; građanski rat; slom demokracije
Lidija Kos-Stanišić ; Faculty of Political Science, University of Zagreb, Zagreb, Croatia Fulltext: pdf (312 KB), Croatian, Pages 81 – 101
Abstracts Contrary to expectations, the signing of the Central American peace accord and the democratization that followed failed to generate peace and security to the citizens of the Northern Triangle countries. Instead, Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador were enveloped in a new wave of violence. Most criminal activities, insecurity and violence are caused by Drug Trafficking Organizations (DTO), which at the moment represent a greater threat to regional security than the wars led in the 1980s. They are the crucial violators of human rights, and state institutions in charge of implementing the law are too weak to successfully take them on. This paper portrays the activity of the Mexican drug cartels, the transportistas and members of the mara in the Northern Triangle countries. It emphasizes that high murder rates and insecurity have significant impact on the citizens’ attitudes towards democratic efficiency, making them more prone to accepting repressive methods of fighting crime and insecurity, as well as undemocratic behavior and the approval of a military comeback into the political arena. The paper concludes that after a prolonged period of citizen dissatisfaction with the way democracy is working, an erosion of legitimacy might occur, which would, in turn, broaden the space for DTOs and their criminal activities.
Keywords Northern Triangle; Guatemala; Honduras; El Salvador; Drug Trafficking Organizations
Lidija Kos-Stanišić ; Fakultet političkih znanosti Sveučilišta u Zagrebu, Zagreb, Hrvatska
Puni tekst: pdf (312 KB), Hrvatski, Str. 81 – 101
Suprotno očekivanjima, potpisivanje Srednjoameričkog mirovnog sporazuma
i demokratizacija koja je uslijedila nije građanima država Sjevernog trokuta
donijela mir i sigurnost, već je Gvatemalu, Honduras i El Salvador zahvatio
novi val nasilja. Za većinu kriminalnih radnji, za nesigurnost i nasilje odgovorne
su organizacije narkotrafikanata koje su trenutačno veća prijetnja regionalnoj
sigurnosti nego ratovi koji su se vodili 1980-ih. Najveći su kršitelji
ljudskih prava, a državne institucije zadužene za provođenje zakona preslabe
su da bi se s njima uspješno borile. U članku se prikazuje djelovanje meksičkih
narkokartela, transportista i pripadnika mara u državama Sjevernog trokuta.
Ističe se da visoka stopa ubojstava i nesigurnosti ima značajne posljedice
na stavove građana o legitimnosti i efikasnosti demokracije, koji su stoga
skloniji prihvaćanju represivnih metoda borbe protiv kriminala i nesigurnosti,
nedemokratskom ponašanju te odobravanju povratka vojske na političku scenu.
Zaključuje se da bi nakon dužeg razdoblja nezadovoljstva građana funkcioniranjem
demokracije moglo doći do erozije legitimnosti, čime bi narkotrafikanti
dobili dodatni prostor za kriminalne aktivnosti.
Sjeverni trokut; Gvatemala; Honduras; El Salvador; narkotrafikanti
Višeslav Raos ; Political Science Research Centre, Zagreb, Croatia Fulltext: pdf (3 MB), Croatian, Pages 33 – 55
Abstracts The European Union, a unique postmodern political system, redefines statehood, sovereignty and territoriality and thus changes the traditional significance of territory and state borders. European integration causes the dismantling of existing spatial referential frames (deterritorialization), yet simultaneously fosters reterritorialization, i.e.
the creation of new spatial relations and referential frames. European Union enlargement includes expansion of border and customs mechanisms which yet again emphasizes the role of territorial control and the importance of spatial boundary-drawing. The dynamic role and significance of territory in politics can be especially seen in the Croatian case. The war experience in recent Croatian history is linked with the imagining of territory and territoriality in politics. The accession of Croatia into EU is the first step towards de facto dismantling of borders towards other members-states within the Schengen system, yet at the same time it creates new dimensions to the boundaries towards the post-Yugoslav neighborhood. The three cases, i.e. borders disputes of Croatia with Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Montenegro illustrate the multi-facetted meaning of territory in politics and the inability to separate the political from the territorial.
Keywords European Union; Croatia; Territory; Border; Schengen Area
Višeslav Raos ; Political Science Research Centre, Zagreb, Croatia
Fulltext: pdf (3 MB), Croatian, Pages 33 – 55
The European Union, a unique postmodern political system, redefines statehood,
sovereignty and territoriality and thus changes the traditional significance
of territory and state borders. European integration causes the
dismantling of existing spatial referential frames (deterritorialization), yet simultaneously
fosters reterritorialization, i.e. the creation of new spatial relations
and referential frames. European Union enlargement includes expansion
of border and customs mechanisms which yet again emphasizes the role of
territorial control and the importance of spatial boundary-drawing. The dynamic
role and significance of territory in politics can be especially seen in
the Croatian case. The war experience in recent Croatian history is linked
with the imagining of territory and territoriality in politics. The accession of
Croatia into EU is the first step towards de facto dismantling of borders towards
other members-states within the Schengen system, yet at the same time
it creates new dimensions to the boundaries towards the post-Yugoslav neighborhood.
The three cases, i.e. borders disputes of Croatia with Serbia, Bosnia
and Herzegovina and Montenegro illustrate the multi-facetted meaning of territory
in politics and the inability to separate the political from the territorial.
European Union; Croatia; Territory; Border; Schengen Area
Bojan Kovačević ; Faculty of Political Science, University of Belgrade, Belgrade, Srbia Fulltext: pdf (332 KB), Serbian, Pages 7 – 32
Abstracts Measures taken by the EU’s major decision-makers in order to confront the public debt crisis provide evidence that the EU’s constitutional nature has been changed. This compound political community whose legitimacy was based on the fine balance between the need to establish more European unity and the need to preserve political autonomy of member states, is now gradually transforming into an imperial, centre – periphery model of governance. The author analyses this development in the light of the guardian of the constitution concept, developed in the works of Benjamin Constant and Carl Schmitt. Regardless of changes of socio-historical circumstances, the guardian of the constitution’s fundamental task is to determine the point that must not be surpassed if the legitimacy of a political community is to be maintained. In the context of the European integration process the question “Who is the guardian of the constitution?” has deliberately been sidestepped. That strategy, which has proven to be functionally rather successful, has been pushing the EU towards its current systemic crisis. Long absence of a guardian of the European treaties/constitution has eventually confronted the member states with the choice between refusing to obey the centre’s decisions and conceding of the responsibility for their citizens’ welfare to the European protoimperial order. The empire concept used in this article is normatively neutral, used only as a possible theoretical framework for explaining the new empirical reality of the European integration process.
Keywords Guardian of the Constitution; Master of the Constitution; EU Court of Justice; European Council; EU Crisis; Democratic Deficit; Empire